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楊安澤的競選之路:從“癡人說夢”到獲得主流認可

更新時間:2019/9/11 20:29:49 來源:紐約時報中文網 作者:佚名

Andrew Yang’s Quest to ‘Make America Think Harder’
楊安澤的競選之路:從“癡人說夢”到獲得主流認可

PLAISTOW, N.H. — Meet Andrew Yang supporters and they often have a confession to make: When they first heard about Yang, they thought his plan to give every American adult $1,000 a month was a little crazy. But then, they will inevitably tell you, they heard him explain it, and it all started making sense.

新罕布什爾州普萊斯托——見到楊安澤(Andrew Yang)的支持者時,他們經常會坦白:第一次聽說楊安澤的時候,他們覺得他每月給每個美國成年人1000美元的計劃有點兒瘋狂。但接著,他們必定會告訴你,聽了他對這個計劃的解釋后,一切都顯得說得通了。

“He was a meme — his campaign was a joke,” said Ben Longchamp, 20, a college student from Atkinson, New Hampshire, who first saw Yang speak in May, at a restaurant in Portsmouth. “I’ve seen 14 candidates at this point, and what I like about him is he has this one policy proposal, and he has the data to back it up.”

“他以前就是一個米姆——他的競選是個笑話,”新罕布什爾州阿特金森的大學生、20歲的本·隆尚(Ben Longchamp)說,5月,在樸茨茅斯的一家餐館里,他第一次看到楊安澤講話。“如今我已經看了14個候選人,我喜歡他是因為,他有這么一個政策提案,并且有數據做支撐。”

Shannon Jeanes, 44, a construction worker from Bedford, New Hampshire, said he was drawn to Yang because he seemed to care about ideas like a $1,000 “universal basic income” more than personal ambition. “He’s not running because he wants to be president,” Jeanes said. “He’s running because he feels he needs to be.”

44歲的香農·珍尼斯(Shannon Jeanes)是新罕布什爾州貝德福德的一名建筑工人,他說他被楊安澤吸引,是因為他似乎更關心像1000美元這樣有關“全民基本收入”而非個人野心的概念。“他參選不是因為他想當總統,”珍尼斯說。“他參選是因為他覺得自己需要這樣做。”

One of the most surprising developments of the 2020 presidential race has been the intensely loyal and passionate following for Yang, a former entrepreneur and tech executive making a bid for the Democratic nomination. Armed with numbers, history lessons and the occasional self-deprecating joke, he has been preaching a grim gospel about how automation will lead to mass unemployment and how corporate profits are warping the economy. Enough Americans have started to take him seriously that Yang has emerged as the surprise qualifier for a slimmed-down third Democratic debate, which will be held Thursday in Houston.

2020年總統競選最意想不到的一個發展,就是人們對楊安澤的極度忠誠和熱情追隨,這位前企業家和技術高管正在角逐民主黨提名。憑借數字、歷史課和偶爾的自嘲笑話,他一直在宣傳一條嚴峻的訊息,即自動化將導致大規模失業,而企業利潤在扭曲經濟。許多美國人已經開始重視楊安澤,使之意外獲得資格,能參加周四于休斯敦舉行的縮減了人數的第三次民主黨辯論。

Yang, 44, remains one of the least known candidates in a group that includes senators, mayors, a governor and a former vice president. He is far from the only one with policy chops. And he is, as ever, a long shot for the nomination, as evidenced by the fact that he is still polling in the low single digits.

在包括參議員、市長、州長和前副總統的團體中,現年44歲的楊安澤仍是最不為人所知的參選人之一。他遠非唯一有政治韜略的人。并且他獲得提名的希望一如既往地渺茫,他的民調仍處于個位數低位的事實可以證明這一點。

But voters who attended his campaign events during a swing through New Hampshire last month rarely described him as a futurist fringe-candidate pitching a pie-in-the-sky plan. Instead, many said they had come to regard him as a smart, substantive and affable political outsider offering a thoughtful solution to an existential problem that other candidates have largely ignored.

但在他上月走遍新罕布什爾的競選活動中參加過集會的選民里,很少有人覺得,他是個提出一份不切實際計劃的未來派外圍參選人。許多人反而表示,他們開始認為他是個有頭腦、講求實際、有親和力的政壇局外人,針對其他競選者大大忽視的一個現有問題,拿出了經過深思熟慮的解決方案。

More broadly, Yang’s supporters said they found his almost apolitical approach refreshing. Rather than participate in daily brinkmanship over immigration and gun control or level attacks on President Donald Trump, Yang has used his platform to gently lecture the country about the “fourth industrial revolution” — which he fears will put truck drivers, call-center workers and retail clerks out of work — and to offer universal basic income as a way to soothe the pain he says such a revolution will assuredly cause.

從更廣的層面講,楊安澤的支持者表示,他們發現他的這種幾乎無關政治的方式令人耳目一新。楊安澤沒有參與移民和控槍之類老生常談的邊緣政策討論,或是攻擊唐納德·特朗普(Donald Trump)總統,他利用自己的施政綱領,溫和地向美國講述“第四次產業革命”——他擔心,這場革命將導致卡車司機、客服熱線中心員工和零售店員失業——并提出以發放全民基本收入的方式,緩和這樣一場革命必然會帶來的陣痛。

Yang has attracted an ideologically eclectic coalition that includes progressives, libertarians, disaffected voters and Trump supporters who have swapped their red MAGA hats for blue ones that say MATH — “Make America Think Harder.” Those who have come into his camp say his presence on YouTube, on podcasts and in the nationally televised debates helped them begin to see the logic behind giving people free money.

楊安澤所吸引的支持者聯合體在意識形態上不拘一格,包括進步派、自由意志主義者、心懷不滿的選民及部分特朗普支持者,他們換下寫著MAGA的紅帽子,戴起寫著MATH——“讓美國更認真思考”的藍帽子。進入他陣營的人表示,他在YouTube、博客上的發言和全國電視辯論開始讓他們看到發錢給人背后的邏輯。

His performance in Houston could be crucial to sustaining his campaign’s newfound momentum. In the days immediately after the July debates, Yang’s campaign raked in about $1 million — more than a third of what his team had raised during the entirety of the second quarter. About 90% of the people who gave were new donors.

他在休斯敦的表現,對于維持競選剛剛聚起的勢頭可能至關重要。在7月辯論結束之后的幾天里,楊安澤的競選團隊迅速入賬約100萬美元——比團隊整個第二季度籌得的數額多三分之一。約九成捐款者為首次捐款。

More and more, Yang and his advisers have allowed themselves to flirt openly with the idea that they have achieved something that long eluded them: mainstream recognition.

楊安澤和他的顧問們開始越來越多地允許自己半真半假地公開談論,他們實現了長期實現不了的一點:主流認可。

“I’ve been coming to New Hampshire every month for the last year-plus,” Yang, standing atop a soapbox, told a room packed with supporters at the christening of the Nashua office. “When I first showed up, honestly no one knew who I was. The growth from then to now — it’s staggering.”

“這一年多以來,我每個月都來新罕布什爾,”在納舒厄辦公室命名儀式上,楊安澤站在臨時搭建的講臺上,對滿滿一屋子的支持者說。“剛開始來的時候,說實話沒人知道我是誰。從那時到現在的變化——著實驚人。”

Indeed, as recently as May, Yang strutted into a park in Lebanon, New Hampshire, to find only a few dozen voters waiting to meet him. Back then, those who showed up conveyed more curiosity than commitment.

誠然,就在5月,楊安澤還曾闊步邁入新罕布什爾州黎巴嫩一個公園,卻發現只有幾十個選民等著見他。那時候,來見他的更多是出于好奇,而非認同。

Three months later, the situation had changed. Yang would ask his audience questions — Which state has passed universal basic income? — and a chorus of supporters would yell back the answer on cue: “Alaska!”

三個月后,形勢變了。楊安澤會向觀眾提問——哪個州通過了全民基本收入?——支持者會立即齊聲喊出答案:“阿拉斯加!”

At his events in New Hampshire, those fans tended to skew largely white, slightly male and very young. Many of them were in college or had just graduated; a noticeable share described themselves as liking both Yang and Trump.

在他的新罕布什爾集會上,粉絲大多是白人,男性略多且非常年輕。其中很多人在上大學或者剛畢業;相當多一部分人自稱同時喜歡楊安澤和特朗普。

Still others leaned libertarian and praised Yang for his plan to give people money and then get out of the way. Some professed to be former supporters of Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont, saying that they saw in Yang a newer, fresher champion of progressive causes who was advancing ideas that might prove to be ahead of their time.

還有一些人傾向于是自由意志主義者,他們稱贊楊安澤給人們發生活費然后不插手別的事。一些人承認曾是佛蒙特州參議員伯尼·桑德斯(Bernie Sanders)的支持者,表示他們在楊安澤身上看到的,是一個更新、更鮮的進步事業捍衛者,他所推動的理念可能會被證實領先于時代。

Yang’s big-city rallies can draw thousands and tend to attract more diverse crowds, including an unusually high share of Asian Americans.

楊安澤在大城市的集會可吸引數千人,并傾向于吸引多元化的人群,其中亞裔美國人比例異常高。

On the trail, Yang, like many of his rivals, likes to paint his campaign as one powered primarily by grassroots enthusiasm and modest donations. An analysis by The New York Times bore that out, finding that about 70% of donations he received in the second quarter of the year came from people giving $200 or less.

在競選造勢中,楊安澤和很多對手一樣,喜歡把自己的競選描繪成主要由草根群體的熱情和少量捐款推動。《紐約時報》一項分析證實了這一點,發現他今年第二季度收到的約70%的捐款來自捐款金額為200美元或以下的人群。

A separate analysis of Yang’s approximately 133,000 total donors through June 30 showed that the average contribution to his campaign was about $27. Because approximately 20% of his donors gave multiple times, the average amount received from each person was about $40.

另一項對截至6月30日的約13.3萬名捐贈者的分析顯示,楊安澤的競選活動平均捐款約為27美元。因為他的捐贈者中大約有20%的人捐了多次,所以每人平均捐款金額約為40美元。

The donor data also reinforced a demographic trend apparent at Yang’s campaign events: Less than 30% of his donors were women, according to estimates by OpenSecrets.com and The Times.

捐贈數據也證實了楊安澤競選活動中明顯的群落分布趨勢:據OpenSecrets.com和《紐約時報》估計,他的捐贈者中只有不到30%是女性。

The crowds at Yang’s New Hampshire meet-and-greets also noticeably lacked older voters. Some who did attend said they wanted to hear Yang out, even though they professed to preferring someone who had logged more experience working in Washington.

楊安澤在新罕布什爾州的見面會也明顯缺少年長選民。一些參加見面會的人說,他們想聽聽楊安澤的意見,盡管他們聲稱更喜歡在華盛頓工作的那些經驗更豐富的人。

Ann Engelkemeir, 67, of Epsom, New Hampshire, said she was leaning toward voting for Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts or Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota. But she and others said they found Yang personable and acknowledged that a core part of his appeal was that he was not a career politician.

67歲的安·恩格爾凱米爾(Ann Engelkemeir)來自新罕布什爾州的埃普索姆,她說自己傾向于投票給馬薩諸塞州參議員伊麗莎白·沃倫(Elizabeth Warren)或明尼蘇達州參議員艾米·克洛布查爾(Amy Klobuchar)。但她和其他人說,他們覺得楊安澤很有風度,并承認他的魅力核心來自于他并非職業政治家。

“Some of the candidates, when they’re asked a question, they give the response they’ve practiced that is closest to the question,” Engelkemeir said at one event. “I do think he answers questions much more directly than I’ve heard.”

“有些候選人被問到一個問題的時候,給出的回答是他們演練過的最接近這個問題的答案,”恩格爾凱米爾在一次活動上說。“我認為他回答問題的方式比我以前聽到的要直接得多。”

During that event, hosted by the American Civil Liberties Union of New Hampshire, Yang found himself in front of an audience full of voters who, like Engelkemeir, were largely unfamiliar with him.

在那次由新罕布什爾州美國公民自由聯盟主辦的活動中,楊安澤面對的選民和恩格爾凱米爾一樣,對他基本上并不熟悉。

He ticked off a comedic and at times ungenerous retelling of his backstory: unhappy corporate lawyer; founder of a business that experienced a “mini rise and maximum fall”; and eventually the leader of a test-preparation company that was bought by Kaplan in 2009.

他用幽默的、時顯簡略的方式回顧了一遍自己的背景:不開心的公司律師;經歷了“小漲大跌”的企業創始人;最終成為一家備考公司的領導者,該公司于2009年被卡普蘭(Kaplan)收購。

Yang told The Washington Post Magazine this year that he “became a millionaire” after he sold the company, but stipulated that “my net worth is probably much lower than speculation would lead one to believe.” In financial disclosure forms filed this summer, Yang reported assets worth as much as $2.4 million, putting him on par with many other candidates in the race.

今年,楊安澤在接受《華盛頓郵報雜志》采訪時表示,他在出售公司后“成了百萬富翁”,但他也強調,“我的凈資產可能遠低于人們的預期。”在今年夏天提交的財務披露表格中,楊安澤上報了高達240萬美元的資產,與其他許多候選人不相上下。

Amid the recession, Yang moved on to develop Venture for America, a nonprofit entrepreneurship organization for college graduates that created jobs in underserved cities.

在經濟衰退期間,楊安澤創辦了“為美國創業”(Venture for America),這是一個面向大學畢業生的非營利性創業組織,在服務不足的城市創造就業機會。

When Trump was elected president in 2016, Yang says he started digging into data to try to understand why, and he found that millions of manufacturing jobs had been wiped out in swing states because of automation. It dawned on him that his good-faith effort to create jobs was wildly insufficient. A more sweeping solution was necessary: $1,000 a month for every American.

2016年特朗普當選美國總統時,楊安澤說,他開始研究數據,試圖理解其中原因,他發現,由于自動化,搖擺州的數百萬制造業工作崗位已經消失。他意識到,他為創造就業崗位所做的真誠努力是遠遠不夠的。有必要實行更全面的解決方案:每個美國人每月1000美元。

“Universal basic income is an amazingly hard policy to demonize,” said Matt Clark, 36, a college adviser from Massachusetts who supports the idea and believes Republicans will get behind it. “It’s super simple, and it directly addresses so many Americans.”

“全民基本收入是一項很難被妖魔化的政策,”36歲的馬薩諸塞州大學顧問馬特·克拉克(Matt Clark)說。“它極其簡單,而且直接面向這么多美國人。”

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